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Chinese
Patriotic Association nuns are
part
of a pseudo-religious club that is not Catholic
(www.RemnantNewspaper.com,
POSTED
JULY 26, 2006) From the back seat of the gypsy cab, Ming-Chuan “Joseph”
Kung watched Beijing blur by. Everything had been
pre-arranged. Everything. As the hired driver steered
through the streets of the capital city of the People’s
Republic of China, the seven passengers – a small
delegation of Americans in town for a human rights
conference – rode mostly in silence. Only periodic,
superficial chitchat and the heavy breathing of the car’s
heater broke the stillness of that wintry January 8 in 1994.
Soon,
the touristy section stacked with American-style hotels,
designed for the comfort of Westerners spoiled by
Capitalism, melted into the background. The well-lighted
streets and sidewalks packed with people eating, drinking,
laughing that Saturday evening gave way to another reality.
Within
a span of only a few minutes, a few miles, the cabbie
maneuvered through the outer sections of the ancient city
that very few foreigners ever get to see – the native
Chinese area ravaged by fanatics fueled with Communist
revolutionary ideology. The scenery turned bleak. The
streets turned dark. Very few lights. Even fewer people.
In
front of a dilapidated apartment building the car rolled to
a stop. Even if the mercury hadn’t stalled below freezing,
fear mixed with a foreboding dread would have chilled the
visitors. From the safety of the cab, Kung took a quick look
around, over his shoulder and into the shadows. Necessary to
look for any sign of a spy – anyone who could possibly
report (for a reward, of course) to officials the appearance
of the foreign visitors.
This
is not a joke. This is Communism.
Onto
the sidewalk, Kung with the Americans stepped and entered
the building. The cabbie remained with his coach. With only
the dimmest light leaking from unknown sources, the group
fumbled forward and found the main staircase. The building
had no elevator. Up they climbed, ascending the dark six,
seven or eight flights, stepping over the debris, mostly
food, that littered the hallways and landings. What looked
like Chinese cabbage – half rotten, half dried, splayed on
bare floors – emanated a distinct, pungent odor. Without
refrigeration, the residents needed to resort to archaic
preservation through drying.
Finally,
the foreigners found the right apartment and knocked.
A
woman opened the door and welcomed them inside the main
room, no bigger than a walk-in closet. The name of the woman
was neither offered nor asked. In Communist China,
information is a dangerous possession. Ignorance is
encouraged, even among family members – just in case one
is picked up by police and interrogated, for whatever
reason. For security’s sake, it’s definitely better and
safer not to know. Remember, this is Communism.
Cramped
to begin with, the room had few inches to spare with an
impromptu table-turned-altar taking up most of the space.
Some of the guests sat. Others stood. Among them were U.S.
Rep. Christopher Smith (R-NJ) and Kung, founder of the
Cardinal Kung Foundation in honor of his uncle, the late
Cardinal Pin-Mei “Ignatius” Kung, Bishop of Shanghai,
who suffered persecution in prison for the Faith for 30
years.
All
waited for another invited guest: Bishop Zhi-Ming
“Jacobus” Su. Minutes passed. Uncomfortable
silence settled on the crowd. Finally, another knock.
The
woman opened the door and let in Su, Bishop of Baoding, who
greeted each of the Americans with a handshake and a humble
smile. That night back in 1994 was to be a special night.
Special, indeed. It was the first time a bishop from the
underground Roman Catholic Church in China would not only
meet face to face with a member of the United States
Congress, but he would also celebrate the holy Mass for the
high-ranking government official, a Roman Catholic.
However,
there was one tiny problem. In Communist China, this secret
meeting between the bishop and the Americans was (and still
would be today) highly illegal – considered nothing less
than a threat to the unity of Chinese society.
Officially,
China is an atheist country and permits no religious
practice outside government-approved organizations, such as
the Chinese Catholic Patriotic Association. Notice the
nomenclature: the Chinese, not Roman, Catholic
Patriotic Association.
Even
though the association’s Communist-approved and
Communist-regulated churches may look Catholic, even though
the priests may wear Roman collars, even though a portrait
of the Pope may hang on the walls and even though the Mass
may have the same rites and rubrics, this pseudo-religious
club is not Roman Catholic. This is a non-Catholic
catholicism, a la Communist style – with allegiance to the
government, not the Vicar of Christ.
Su
and the other Catholics filling the ranks of the Church
Militant in the underground Roman Catholic Church in China
are those faithful who will not deny the authority of the
Pope by registering with the Patriotic Association, despite
the constant threat of detainment, arrest, imprisonment,
forced labor, torture, even death.
Indeed,
the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China,
specifically Article 36, guarantees “freedom of religious
belief,” but this does not mean freedom of religion.
Anyone and everyone who wants to practice their Catholic
faith must register with the Patriotic Association that
oversees, regulates and approves or denies all goings-on in
the government-sanctioned churches, for “religious bodies
and religious affairs are not subject to any foreign
domination.”
Freedom
of religion in China? No such thing.
Religious
and personal freedom for the people of China began to
disintegrate back in 1949 (after the end of the three-year
Chinese Nationalist-Communist Civil War that followed in the
wake of World War II), when the Communists defeated the
Kuomintang – the Chinese Nationalist Party that fled to
and settled in Taiwan.
Disdainful
of anything that smacks of the democratic West, xenophobic
Communists — the single-party power — have not and will
not accept any outside influence, which most definitely
includes the Vatican. Communists condemn and declare those
faithful to the Bishop of Rome as counter-revolutionaries,
political enemies who form a subversive organization, an
illegal society using the cloak of religion to cover their
treasonous deeds.
Being
patriotic in China means being a revolutionary, which means
being anti-imperialist and anti-papal, therefore anti-Roman
Catholic. Roman Catholics are believed to be pro-imperialist
and pro-papal; therefore, those who profess belief in the
one, holy, catholic, apostolic Church receive the
politically incorrect “hat” of unpatriotic
counter-revolutionary.
Try
as they did, Communists found it difficult to destroy the
Church from within. So they attempted to destroy it from
without by establishing a government-controlled church to
replace the Roman Catholic Church. As early as 1949, in an
attempt to break with the Holy See, the People’s Republic
of China established the Three-Self Reform Movement,
so-called for its aim to be Self-governing, Self-supporting
and Self-propagating.
Relations
between the Vatican and China officially broke in 1951 after
the Communists kicked out apostolic nuncio Archbishop
Antonio Riberi. For the next couple years, they rounded up
and expelled all foreign clergy and religious. Next, they
began arresting and imprisoning Chinese priests and
religious. Then the laity.
In
1957, the Three-Self Reform Movement was replaced by and
integrated into the Chinese Catholic Patriotic Association,
officially founded on July 15 of that year. During the
subsequent Cultural Revolution (1966-76), all religious
activities were banned and labeled as evil cults.
Since
then, priests and bishops who refuse to register with the
Patriotic Association but who offer Mass and the sacraments
are said to be setting up illegal organizations and
conducting illegal, counter-revolutionary activities, thus
in violation of the nation’s Constitution, specifically
Article 28, which decrees: “The state maintains public
order and suppresses treasonable and other
counter-revolutionary activities; it penalizes actions that
endanger public security and disrupt the socialist economy
and other criminal activities, and punishes and reforms
criminals.”
For
this reason, underground bishops, priests, nuns and laity
who remain true to the Pope are often singled out and
persecuted. For conducting counter-revolutionary activities,
it is not unusual for non-registered Catholics to receive
three-year sentences (for starters) in reform-through-labor
camps, which have been compared to the legendary gulags of
the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the
concentration camps favored by World War II Nazis.
Yet,
despite the longa manus, the long-reaching hand of
the Communists, the Church has not only continued to
survive, it flourishes. In 1949, the Catholic Church had
around 3 million faithful. Now, the estimate is about 10
million.
Bishop
Su remained one of the faithful ones. For this reason, in
1994, by the time he was 60 years old, he had already spent
almost 25 years in prisons and labor camps. He was arrested
no fewer than five times. And despite the ever-present
threat and danger that night in Beijing, he met with the
Americans. A calm joy mixed with excitement settled over all
those sitting in the small apartment. Two more guests were
expected. Two of the approximate 50 underground bishops in
China were thought to be on their way. The plan for the
evening: To celebrate the Mass for the foreign guests.
Everyone
sat and waited.
Minutes
ticked by. No knock at the door. The two bishops still did
not arrive. As time passed, an uneasiness that had settled
in Kung’s heart since arriving in front of the apartment
building began to make him believe that something was not
right. Increasingly nervous, after about 15 minutes, he
asked Su to start and not to wait for the others.
The
decision was made.
Kung
struck a match and lit the two Mass candles on the altar.
The soft tones of Su’s voice lifted the prayers
heavenward. Kung, who was born in China but immigrated to
the United States in 1955, translated for the others. That
small group of faithful prayed that night, kneeling on the
bare concrete floor, not only for the persecuted, but also
for the persecutors.
During
the Mass, the following Bible passage, Isaias 42:6-7, was
read: “I have given thee for a covenant of the people, for
a light of the Gentiles: that thou mightest open the eyes of
the blind, and bring forth the prisoner out of prison, and
them that sit in the darkness out of the prison house.”
As
the Mass ended and the evening wound down, everyone dug deep
into their pockets for donations to give to Su. Plans
were gently confirmed for the following day for Sunday Mass.
The
other two bishops never arrived that night. It was not a
total surprise when Kung heard much later that while on
their way to the apartment, public security police for the
Communist Party picked them up, detained them, interrogated
them and released them later. This is a frequent, and not
unexpected, occurrence for members of the underground Church
in China.
On
Sunday, mid-morning just after breakfast, the same gypsy cab
driver – a trusted member of the underground Church –
picked up Kung and two other Americans in front of their
Beijing luxury lodgings – Shangri-La’s China World
Hotel.
As
the car rolled through China’s bleak countryside, the
driver steered ahead for about a ninety-minute ride outside
of Beijing and into the Baoding village, where they picked
up Su. The bishop directed the driver. Ahead. Pull up ahead.
The car moved forward.
Stationed
at stealth positions, women and men of the underground
church stood and watched and permitted the car to continue.
The sentinels kept alert to the approach of Communists on
the prowl for actions subversive to the Party. Unimpeded,
the cab putt-putted toward the parking area, where the
driver found a spot somewhere in the midst of the hundreds
of bicycles, a popular mode of transportation. The Mass,
offered by an elderly priest of the underground, had already
begun.
Since
it was in the dead of winter, there was neither a leaf on a
tree nor a blade of grass on the ground. Kung, dressed only
in a light overcoat, felt the sting of the wind.
Nonetheless, he found a vacant piece of frozen earth and
knelt beside the others. He looked around. Thousands of
miles from his home in Connecticut, there he was kneeling
with 450 underground Roman Catholics at an illegal
gathering, in China.
Overwhelmed,
he marveled at the outdoor Mass celebrated in a barnyard,
transformed into a holy sanctuary. How appropriate. It was
the Feast of the Epiphany, the celebration of the day the
Magi arrived in Bethlehem to adore the newborn.
To
the left, he noticed a donkey stable, which doubled that day
as the sacristy, where the priest changed into and out of
his vestments. To the right, a brick fire pit used to burn
the village trash, with charred remains scattered in the
heap: lanky sticks of discarded bamboo, singed wires,
blackened metal poking through the ashes.
The
altar, a wooden table, stood in the center, with a white
canopy draped over and above to protect the sacrifice to be
offered. A small crucifix – retrieved from its hiding
place – was tacked to the wall. Also retrieved from its
special secret place, the chalice shone in the morning light
that penetrated the haze.
For
communion, altar boys unrolled a bolt of long, white cloth
over a makeshift rail. There, parishioners knelt to receive
on their tongues, old-Church style, the smuggled hosts, made
by underground nuns.
After
the Mass, Su invited Kung for lunch at his home, a
traditional one-story dried-mud structure, with a dried-mud
floor, a half-broken door and a small, inadequate coal
stove. But it was neat, tidy and welcoming. On a table
between two chairs were two bowls filled with fruit. One
with oranges. One with red and green freckled apples. The
kitchen, so rudimentary, it only had a hole in the roof
through which smoke from the coal-burning stove could
escape. Su and Kung sought privacy in a small side room
where they talked about confidential Church matters. Before
leaving, Kung knelt before the bishop and received a
blessing.
In
the afternoon, the two men walked out of the house, into the
yard and toward the car. The driver, who had waited outside,
started the motor and Kung took his seat. Su remained in the
yard. As the car drove off, Kung looked back. The bishop
continued to stand, waving goodbye.
This
is Kung’s last memory of Su.
Then
it was time for Kung to return to the United States, but not
before he received a more-than-firm handshake and a farewell
warning from one of the highest-ranking Communist officials
in the Religious Affairs Bureau, none other than Liu
“Anthony” Bainian, the vice-chairman of the Patriotic
Association. Bainian’s nickname? “China’s Pope.”
“You
are here with an official delegation, so we give you face.
But next time, if you come here again, alone by yourself, we
will not stand on ceremony with you,” Bainian said in
Chinese.
Kung
understood. The Communists found out that the Americans had
met with members of the underground Church. The Communists
always find out everything.
Shortly
after Kung arrived home, he received an urgent call from
Baoding. Su had been arrested.
On
January 20, eleven days after Kung, the Congressman and the
others departed from China, Hebei Province police officers
stormed into Su’s village home, picked him up and held him
for interrogation.
Su’s
whereabouts – unknown.
Frantic,
Kung immediately telephoned Smith. Su needed help. Outraged,
Smith notified colleagues in Congress. A letter-writing
campaign to officials in the Chinese embassy soon began,
vociferously defending the religious freedom of Su and
demanding his release. After being detained for nine days,
the bishop – who still refused to register with the
Patriotic Association – was released on January 29.
For
Su, life was relatively calm, for a while.
Two
years later, the bishop had some unexpected guests drop in
at his home. In February 1996, members of the security
bureau “visited” Su and forced him into house arrest.
This means that he was not free to come and go as he
pleased, and he was definitely not allowed to meet with his
parishioners or offer Mass or any of the sacraments.
Also
under strict surveillance was his auxiliary bishop the Rev.
Shuxin An, who, like Su, was watched at all times by
security officers.
In
April 1996, Su escaped, with the help of a few of the
faithful in the underground Church. During this period of
“freedom” he penned a letter to the Standing Committee
of the People’s National Congress. “Thoroughly
investigate the serious unlawful encroachment on the
citizen’s rights,” he wrote. “Administer corrective
measures to restore order and control to ensure that the
civil rights and interests of the vast number of religious
believers are protected.”
They
investigated, all right – Su.
They
administered corrective measures, all right – to Su. On
October 8, 1997, authorities with the Public Security Bureau
hunted down the bishop, found out that he had been hiding in
the city of Xinji, in Hebei Province, approximately 280
kilometers south of Beijing. They wasted no time and
arrested him.
That
was the last time he was seen publicly. Yet, people still
petition for information of the whereabouts of Su, who, if
still alive, would be 73 years old this year. But in China,
it’s not so easy to voice concerns. It’s easier for
those outside the Communist death grip.
In
Italy, the Rev. Bernardo Cervellera, a 54-year-old priest
with the Rome-based Pontifical Institute for Foreign
Missions (Pontificium Institutum pro Missionibus Exteris),
does all he can do to keep in the news the plight of the
persecuted Chinese of the underground Church.
In
March 1999, Cervellera, a newsman and then-editor of
International Fides News Service, wrote an editorial asking
that China’s president release Su and An or at least
reveal where the two men were being held and under what
charges.
In
reaction to Cervellera’s plea, the Vatican issued its
statement through Joaquin Navarro Valls, the 69-year-old
Spaniard who recently (and finally) handed in his
resignation as director of the Vatican press office, a post
he’s held since 1984.
Valls,
reportedly a devoted member of the controversial
“secret” organization, Opus Dei, since the early 1970s,
couldn’t do enough to distance the Holy See from
Cervellera. He reportedly released this public statement
found on the Internet. “The Secretariat of State up until
now has taken no step concerning the liberation of the two
bishops of Baoding. The circulation of such news was a
personal initiative of Fr. Bernardo Cervellera, not agreed
on by authorities at the Secretariat of State…Therefore,
the ideas raised in the International Fides Service are Fr.
Cervellera’s personal opinions for which he assumes full
responsibility.”
Undaunted,
Cervellera continued with his mission to help those
persecuted in China. In February 2002, he published on the
Fides Web site a list of missing bishops and priests.
Incredibly, rather than backing Cervellera, the Vatican
disciplined the missionary, this time with a pink slip. In
April 2002, he reportedly was forced to clean out his desk,
shown the door and told never to return to that newsroom.
Ever.
But
Cervellera never gave up. In November 2003 he joined the
staff of Asia News, a monthly magazine that began publishing
in 1986. Now, he’s the editor of AsiaNews.it, the
tri-lingual (Chinese, English, and Italian) Web site version
he created of the magazine. AsiaNews.it, a European-based
pipeline of information from the East to the West, is a
must-read that has documented the abuses inflicted by the
Communists upon the underground Catholics.
The
same month that Cervellera joined Asia News, there was an
update on Su. According to a posting on Kung’s Web site,
www.cardinalkungfoundation.org, he had possibly been spotted
around November 15, 2003. “Bishop Su was taken to the
Officers’ Ward of the Baoding Central Hospital in Baoding,
Hebei, for an eye operation and for heart ailments. He was
heavily guarded by approximately twenty plainclothes
government security personnel, including Mr. Jia Ruiqi, who
is a high-ranking officer of the public security bureau of
Baoding. It was reported that the name of Su is not
officially registered in the hospital record.”
However,
that was 2003. This is 2006, and Su’s whereabouts –
unknown. Still. But Kung, 73, the same age as Su, has not
given up. Neither has Cervellera. Nor Smith. Smith
would like to return to China before the year is over. He
wants to find Su, who during their meeting gave the
politician a rosary, which the Congressman still uses to
pray. “The government claims that he’s missing or
can’t be found. That is so not believable. They
know exactly where he is, and we believe, we can’t say
absolutely, that they have him,” Smith said over the
telephone from his D.C. office.
Smith,
a 53-year-old member of the House of Representatives, has
done plenty for human rights. He was a chairman on the House
Subcommittee on International Operations and Human Rights
when the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998,
authored by Rep. Frank Wolf (R-VA), was introduced and
passed.
The
subsequent International Religious Freedom Report 2005,
released Nov. 8, 2005 by the Bureau of Democracy, Human
Rights and Labor, stated that reports have suggested that Su
“had been held in a form of ‘house arrest.’ The
government continued to deny having taken ‘any coercive
measures’ against him and stated he was ‘traveling as a
missionary.’”
Still,
the search for Su continues.
Meanwhile,
even though there’s been much political jibber-jabbering
back and forth between China and the Vatican regarding the
question of “diplomatic relations,” it seems as if the
question of human rights has been lost in this pointless
posturing.
Why
isn’t the Vatican doing more to locate the bishop?
Last
fall, Roger Mahony, the 70-year-old Cardinal of the Los
Angeles Archdiocese, traveled to China, visiting various
churches registered with the Chinese Catholic Patriotic
Association. He posed with various “priests” for
snapshots as souvenirs of those joyful days. He even wrote
two travel essays published in a couple November issues of
the archdiocesan weekly tabloid, The Tidings.
Mahony
wrote that he met bishops of the Patriotic Association, but
he never mentioned meeting any underground bishop. Could
that possibly be true? I had to find out.
Someone
tipped me off that after the Sunday 10 a.m. Mass, Mahony
meets and greets parishioners in the patio area outside the
Cathedral of Our Lady of the Angels, located in downtown Los
Angeles. I found a spot and lingered.
Mahony
exited the cathedral from a side exit and headed joyfully
toward those of us standing beneath a potted tree, obviously
waiting for him. “I read about your trip to China,” I
said as I walked toward him, smiling. “Did you meet with
any of the underground bishops? Did you request the
whereabouts of Bishop Su of Baoding, who’s been missing
since 1997?”
“No.
I was there for a very special purpose. It wasn’t to stir
up trouble. They wouldn’t have let me in.” He chuckled.
In
what appeared to be an attempt to shake me off, he walked
toward a parishioner holding two life-sized photos of the
Cardinal to be autographed. Taking a Sharpie pen from the
man, Mahony asked, “Where should I sign?”
I
persisted.
“So,
you weren’t able to find out any information, or even
ask?”
“It
was an opportunity to meet with the emerging leadership of
the church, the young priests. They don’t know anything
about it.”
The
Cardinal maneuvered around a group of gawkers in an effort
to avoid more questions.
But
still, one remains unanswered.
Where
is Bishop Su?
Theresa
Marie Moreau can be reached at TMMoreau@yahoo.com.
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